Fill in the blanks using modal verbs can, could, should, may.

1. On what basis have and... regimes be classified?

2. Whereas governments... be changed by elections, as a result of coup d’états, through dynastic succession and so on, regimes... only be changed by military intervention from without or by some kind of revolutionary upheaval from within.

3. The heritage of the communist past... be discarded overnight, especially when, as in Russia, the communist system had endured for over 70 years.

4. Important differences between post-communist states... also be identified.

5. The rise of East Asia in the late twentieth century... ultimately proves to be a more important world-historical event than the collapse of communism.

6. There is general acceptance in East Asian regimes that the state as a «father figure»... guides the decisions of private as well as public bodies.

7. Normal political and constitutional arrangements through which opposition... be expressed, are either weakened or abolished.

10.9. Replace clauses by the Gerundial phrases:

1. When the chairman finished enumerating the items on the agenda, he passed over to the main issue.

2. When the secretary was looking through the report, he came across some interesting facts.

3. After he had taken account of the current situation the defense minister commented on the recent initiatives.

4. The Party members had made all the arrangements before they held elections.

5. The orator didn’t acknowledge the criticism and went on with his speech.

6. The Labor Party gained preeminence over the Tories as it embodied its promises of cutting taxes into its new manifesto.

10.10. Use the correct form of the Gerund:

1. The programs had no chance of (distinguish); they looked very much alike,

2. It was a good opportunity for (advocate) his new principles of government.

3. They were accused of (conduct) the policy of laissez-faire.

4. He might be criticized for not (embody) the ideas of his party in the report.

5. He is a wonderful speaker. We couldn’t help (impress).

10.11. Supply the missing prepositions:

1. He challenged his opponent... advocating his own principles.

2.... advocating the principle of separation of powers Montesquieu1 survived his critics.

3. What did the UN Secretary General mean... highlighting the quest for reforms?

4. The government went on with its project... paying attention to the plight of the repressed minorities in that country.

5. The Prime Minister could not run the risk... contradicting the President.

6. They insisted... challenging their opponent’s critique.

7. Some regimes survive... exercising, above all, military power and systematic repression.

8. There are reason... treating postcommunist systems as distinct.

10.12. Translate into English:

1.Западные полиархии в широком смысле эквивалентны режимам, характеризуемым как «либеральные демократии» или просто «демократии».

2. Термин «полиархия» предпочтителен термину «либеральная демократия» по двум соображениям. Во-первых, либеральная демократия иногда рассматривается как некий политический идеал. Во-вторых, использование термина «полиархия» признает, что ее режимы по важным моментам еще далеки от цели демократии.

3. Западные полиархии отличает не только представительский характер демократии и капиталистическая организация экономики, но и повсеместное признание либерального индивидуализма.

4. Главными чертами процесса демократизации стали введение многопартийных выборов и проведение ориентированных на рынок экономических реформ.

5. Наследие коммунистического прошлого не может быть преодолено быстро, особенно там, где, как в России, коммунистическая система существовала более 70 лет.

6. Переход от централизованного планирования к свободному рынку через «шоковую терапию», за которую выступает МВФ, вызвал чувство крайней незащищенности из-за роста безработицы и инфляции и, как результат, привел к резкому углублению социального неравенства.

7. Переходный процесс раскрепостил силы и создал проблемы, значительно отличающиеся от тех, с которыми сталкиваются западные полиархии.

8. Подъем Восточной Азии в конце двадцатого века может в конечном итоге оказаться более важным мировым историческим событием, чем крах коммунизма.

9. Давно существует широко распространенное предположение, что модернизация означает вестернизацию. Переведенное на политический язык, это означает, что индустриальный капитализм всегда сопровождается либеральной демократией,

10. Однако, такая интерпретация не учитывает, до какой степени действуют различно полиархические институты в азиатском контексте, от таких же в западном. Более того, она игнорирует разницу между культурными традициями, находящимися под влиянием конфуцианских идей и ценностей, и культурой и традициями, сформированными либеральным индивидуализмом.

11. В восточно-азиатских регионах существует широкая поддержка «сильного» правления и уважения к «государству».

12. В центре конфуцианской этической системы лежат верность, дисциплина и долг. Большое внимание уделяется общинности и социальной целостности, которые воплощены в центральной роли, отводимой семье.

13. Главное внимание, уделяемое тому, что японцы называют «групповым мышлением», ограничивает масштабы ассимиляции таких идей, как индивидуализм и права человека, по крайней мере так, как они понимаются на Западе.

14. Большинство режимов формируются в результате комбинаций различных политических, экономических, культурных и идеологических факторов, однако, некоторые из них выживают благодаря применению, главным образом, военной силы и систематических репрессий. В этом смысле, военные режимы относятся к более широкой категории авторитаризма.

15. Такие институты, как избираемые (законодательные) собрания и свободная пресса либо ослаблены, либо запрещены военными режимами.

16. При некоторых военных режимах вооруженные силы берут на себя прямой контроль над управлением страной через офицерские советы командования (хунты). Другая форма, поддерживаемая военными, — персонифицированная диктатура. Существует еще одна форма военного режима, при которой военные ограничиваются ролью кукловодов за сценой, т.е. когда решающим фактором сохранения режима является лояльность вооруженных сил.

17. Ислам никогда не был и не является просто религией. Он оказывает влияние на все стороны жизни, определяя правила морального, политического и экономического поведения как отдельных людей, так и целых государств.

18. Политический ислам ставит своей целью создание теократии, в которой политические и другие отношения строятся в соответствии с «высшими» религиозными принципами.

10.13. Translate the sentences into Russian. Watch some uses of the Definite article:

1. What gives Rousseau’s model its novel character is his insistence that freedom ultimately means obedience to the general will.

2. On the basis of public/private division, politics is restricted to the activities of the state itself and the responsibilities exercised by public bodies: the apparatus of government, the courts, the police, the army, the state- security system and so on.

3. The most grotesque example of ‘government for the people’ was found in the so-called totalitarian democracies.

4. There are two key features of the legitimate process: the first is the existence of elections and party competition.

5. Legitimacy must be demonstrated by an expression of consent on the part of the governed.

6. The definition can be narrowed still further. (Это/данное определение...)

7. The link between politics and the affairs of the state also helps to explain why negative connotations have so often been attached to politics. (Связь, существующая между...)

8. The interest in classifying political systems stems from two sources. (Нынешний/постоянно существующий интерес к...)

10.14. Translate the words in brackets into English:

Communism, in its simplest sense is the (общинная организация) of social existence on the basis of the (коллективное владение собственностью). As a theoretical idea, it is most commonly associated with the (научные труды) of Marx, for whom communism meant а (бесклассовое общество) in which wealth was owned in common, production was geared to human need, and the state had to «wither away», allowing for harmony and (самореализация). The term is also used (для характеристики) societies, founded on Marxist principles and crucially adopted by Leninism and Stalinism. The (основные черты) of «orthodox» communism as a regime type are as follows:

- Marxism-Leninism is the (официальная идеология).

- A communist party that is organized on the (принципы демократического централизма) enjoys a monopoly of (политическая власть).

- The communist party «rules» in the sense that it dominates the (государственная машина), creating a fused state-party apparatus.

- The communist party plays а (руководящая и направляющая роль) in society, controlling all institutions, including the economic, educational and recreational institutions.

(Экономическая жизнь основывается на) state collectivization, and it is organized through а (система центрального планирования).

 

10.15. Translate the text into English:

Полиархия (буквально — правление многих) означает, как правило, институты и политические процессы в современной представительской демократии. Полиархию можно воспринимать как приблизительное приближение к (rough approximation) демократии в том смысле, что она действует через институты, которые заставляют правителей учитывать интересы и чаяния электората. Главными чертами ее являются следующие:

- вся система правления находится в руках избираемых лиц

- выборы свободные и справедливые

- практически все взрослое население имеет право избирать

- неограниченное право быть избранным

- существует свобода выражения (мнения) и право на критику и протест

- граждане имеют доступ к альтернативным источникам информации

- группы и ассоциации пользуются, по меньшей мере, относительной независимостью от органов управления.

10.16. Translate the text into Russian:

 

CLASSICAL TYPOLOGIES

 

Without doubt, the most influential system of classification was that devised by Aristotle in the fourth century BCE, which was based on his analysis of the 158 Greek city states then in existence. This system dominated thinking on the subject for roughly the next 2500 years. Aristotle held that governments could be categorized on the basis of two questions: «who rules?» and «who benefits from rule?». Government, he believed, could be placed in the hands of a single individual, a small group, or the many. In each case, however, government could be conducted either in the selfish interests of the rulers or for the benefit of the entire community.

Aristotle’s purpose was to evaluate forms of government on normative grounds in the hope of identifying the ‘ideal’ constitution. In his view, tyranny, oligarchy and democracy were all debased or perverted forms of rule in which a single person, a small group and the masses, respectively, governed in their own interests and therefore at the expense of others.

In contrast, monarchy, aristocracy and polity were to be preferred, because in these forms of government the individual, small group and the masses, respectively, governed in the interests of all. Aristotle declared tyranny to be the worst of all possible constitutions, as it reduced citizens to the status of slaves. Monarchy and aristocracy were, on the other hand, impractical, because they were based on a God-like willingness to place the good of the community before the rulers’ own interests. Polity (rule by the many in the interests of all) was accepted as the most practicable of constitutions. Nevertheless, in a tradition that endured through to the twentieth century, Aristotle criticized popular rule on the grounds that the masses would resent the wealth of the few, and too easily fall under the sway of a demagogue. He therefore advocated a ‘mixed’ constitution that combined elements of both democracy and oligarchy, and left the government in the hands of the ‘middle classes’, those who were neither rich nor poor.

The Aristotelian system was later developed by thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean Bodin (1530—96). Their particular concern was with the principle of sovereignty viewed as the basis for all stable political regimes. Sovereignty was taken to mean the ‘most high and perpetual’ power, a power which alone could guarantee orderly rule.

These ideas were later revised by early liberals such as John Locke and Montesquieu, who championed the cause of constitutional government. In his epic The Spirit of the Laws ([1734] 1949), Montesquieu attempted to develop a ‘scientific’ study of human society, designed to uncover the constitutional circumstances that would best protect individual liberty. A severe critic of absolutism and an admirer of the English parliamentary tradition, he proposed a system of checks and balances in the form of a ‘separation of powers’ between the executive, legislative and judicial institutions. This principle was incorporated into the US constitution (1787), and it later came to be seen as one of the defining features of liberal democratic government.

The «classical» classification of regimes, stemming from the writings of Aristotle, was rendered increasingly redundant by the development of modem constitutional systems from the late eighteenth century onwards. In their different ways, the Constitutional republicanism established in the USA following the American war of Independence of 1775—1783, the democratic radicalism unleashed in France by the 1789 French Revolution, and the form of parliamentary government that gradually emerged in the UK created political realities that were substantially more complex than early thinkers had envisaged. Traditional systems of classification were therefore displaced by a growing emphasis on the constitutional and institutional features of political rule. In many ways, this was built on Montesquieu’s work in that particular attention was paid to the relationships between the various branches of government. Thus monarchies were distinguished from republics, parliamentary systems were distinguished from presidential ones, and unitary systems were distinguished from federal ones.

 

10.17. Comment on:

«That government is best which governs not at all» (Henry David Thoreau: Civil disobedience,1849)

What do you think?

What is the difference between governments, political systems and regimes?

What is the purpose of classifying systems of government?

On what basis have, and should, regimes be classified?

What are the major regimes of the modem world?

Has western liberal democracy triumphed worldwide?

10.19. Translate from English into Russian:

SUMMARY

• Government is any mechanism through which ordered rule is maintained, its general feature being its ability to make collective decisions and enforce them. A political system, or regime, however, encompasses not only the mechanisms of government and institutions of the state, but also the structures and processes through which these interact with the larger society.

• The classification of political systems serves two purposes. First, it aids understanding by making comparison possible and helping to highlight similarities and differences between otherwise shapeless collections of facts. Secondly, it helps us to evaluate the effectiveness or success of different political systems.

• The collapse of communism and advance of democratization has made it much more difficult to identify the political contours of the modern world, making conventional systems of classification redundant. It is nevertheless still possible to distinguish between regimes on the basis of how their political, economic and cultural characteristics interlock in practice, even though all systems of classification are provisional.

• There is evidence that regime types have become both more complex and more diverse. The principle regime types found in the modern world are western polyarchies, post-communist regimes. East Asian regimes, Islamic regimes and military regimes.

10.20. Questions for discussion:

1. To what extent have post-communist regimes discarded their communist past?

2. Why have liberal-democratic structures proved to be so effective and successful?

3. How democratic are Western polyarchies?

4. Do Confucianism and Islam constitute viable alternatives to western liberalism as a basis for a modem regime?