Make a mind map outlining general and specific features driving groups of people to get more autonomy or separate from a country.

UNIT 8. SEPARATISM

LEAD-IN

Task 1.

Make a mind map outlining general and specific features driving groups of people to get more autonomy or separate from a country.

Task 2. Think what makes the difference between

A)

· independence

· sovereignty

· territorial integrity

· statehood

· national identity

B)

· separatism

· secession

· liberation movement

Task 3.Discuss possible drivers for unification or defragmentation of states.

Task 4. Watch the video on Which Regions Are Fighting For Independence?(track 8-1) andm ake a schematic description of 3secession movements in the world:

· Veneto

· Catalonia

· Quebec

 

- What do these movements hold in common?

- How are they different?

 

Task 5.Watch the video on Which Regions Are Fighting For Independence?

Part 2 (track 8-2)and answer the following questions:

1. Why is Palestinian secession considered to be one of the most controversial?

2. What makes Tibetan secession specific?

3. What are peculiarities of Kurdistan’s secession?

Task 6.Watch the video on Which Regions Are Fighting For Independence?

Part 3 (track 8-3) and fill in the gaps in the following sentences:

There are many regions all over theworld _____________ from the country they belong to….

In Central Asia theChinese administrative region known asXinjiang plus surrounding areas is hometo an estimated 15 million Uighurs. Uighurs are a Muslim, Turkish-speaking_________­­­­________. They call the regionEast Turkestan. Over the centuries ithas been conquered and claimed bydifferent ___________. But in 1949Communist China took over most of thearea restricting some of the Uighurs_____________. Although Uighursterrorist groups have emerged to fightfor independence, experts suggest thatChina is unlikely to ___________ control.

Then there are a number of otherterritories seeking _______________in Eastern Europe and Asia. Many of themare stuck in a delicate ____________ after the 1991 breakup of theSoviet Union and subsequent ___________within post-soviet States. Most civilwars were fought along ethnic andreligious __________. Today the states ofMoldova, Azerbaijan and Georgia containfour __________ zones. These zonesoperate under their own authoritywithout the permission of their __________. They are called __________but have limited internationalrecognition of their independent status. However, the ____________ within Georgia are recognized by a few countries including Russia, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. Another post-soviet State, Bosnia-Herzegovina, may have a new________________ coming soon from the Serb Republic. The state of Bosnia itselfis ethnically divided into two major_____________ - one favoringChristian Serbians and the otherfavoring Catholic Croatians. The Serbs inthe Serb Republic have recently askedfor more ___________. And if theydon't get them, some politiciansare threatening to ___________ onindependence for the region in 2018. Inthese areas throughout Central Asia andEastern Europe many governments continueto be unstable with the potential for a__________ in the fight forsovereignty. The United Nations remindsall countries - recognized and__________-  they still must upholdbasic ____________. Hopefully,all governments in all regions will keep acommitment to peace alive, as they movetowards __________.

TEXT FOCUS

Task 1. Read the text carefully paying special attention to the words and word combinations in bold.

SEPARATISM AND SECESSIONISM IN TODAY'S WORLD

If there is one constant in history apart from the certainty of death and taxes,

it is the reluctance of states to part with territory.”

M. Hechter

SPLA soldiers

DRIVERS FOR SECESSION

Why do secessionist movements emerge? Secessionist movements often engage in deadly civil wars and ultimately risk everything to become a recognized state. What motivates movements to take such drastic actions? There are two aspects to this motivation, the “pull” factor and the “push” factor. The pull factor relates to the attractive benefits of statehood in the international system today, while the push factor relates to the specific domestic experiences of groups that lead them to want “out”.

 

The “Pull” Factor

There are a number of general benefits to statehood that new states stand to gain in terms of economics, politics, and security.The economic benefits of statehood take a variety of forms. First, only states have access to international financial institutions. For example, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) provides a financial safety net for economically weak new states. New states have access to foreign aid through institutions, as well as individual or multilateral donors. In the case of East Timor, this aid comprised nearly 2% of GDP. Both Bangladesh and Eritrea quickly received millions of US dollars after they achieved independence. Finally, statehood status provides for easier access to foreign markets and investors. South Sudan, having achieved statehood, has become a more attractive environment for international investors, particularly in the oil sector. Unrecognized states have difficulty securing foreign direct investment, which is “typically conditional upon guarantees of insurance and arbitration”.

States also have greater access to political organizations. As a member of the United Nations, states have the opportunity to sit on the Security Council and through the rotating presidency, even weak states have the opportunity to play a role in agenda setting. All members of the UN have a voice through the voting system in the General Assembly. The same applies with respect to regional organizations like the European Union or the African Union.

Finally, there are important benefits of statehood that relate to security. The UN Charter protects states from the aggression of other states. Article 2(4) provides that “all Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threator use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” For states that have achieved de facto status, but have not achieved international recognition, there is a constant threat that they could be reincorporated into the host state. To reap the benefits described above, the only necessary criterion is international recognition. If the international community grants a state recognition, that state will have access to international financial institutions, intergovernmental political organizations, and ultimately will enjoy the protections of the norm of non-intervention.

 

The “Push” Factor

Push factors generally relate to a group’s political and economic grievances, and attributes of the political structure and demography of a state. Scholars who address political grievances tend to focus on access to political representation and decision-making. Secessionist movements are more likely to emerge when particular ethnic groups are excluded from the political process. In terms of economic grievances, some scholars argue that secessionist movements are more likely when ethnic groups feel economically deprived. Others suggest that secessionism is more likely when an ethnic group is relatively wealthier, and carries a disproportionate share of the economic cost of maintaining the state. Others look to ethnic demography and its relationship with the political-administrative structure of the state. Secessionist movements are more likely to emerge in ethnically concentrated federal states. If a minority is territorially concentrated, it is more likely than a spatially dispersed one to form a secessionist movement. If the government sponsors migration programs that dilute an ethnically concentrated area, particularly if they are combined with policies that favor the newcomers over current residents, the likelihood of secessionist sentiment is greater.

 

NOTES

Michael Hechter (AB and Ph.D. from Columbia University) is the author of numerous books, including Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (1975; 1998 ); Principles of Group Solidarity (1987); Containing Nationalism (2000), and Alien Rule (2013).

The United Nations (UN) Charter was signed on 26 June 1945, in San Francisco, at the conclusion of the United Nations Conference on International Organization, and came into force on 24 October 1945.

Woodrow Wilson, an American statesman and academic, served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. A member of the Democratic Party, Wilson served as the President of Princeton University from 1902 to 1910.

Fourteen Points (Jan. 8, 1918) is a declaration by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson during World War I outlining his proposals for a postwar peace settlement.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a milestone document in the history of human rights, proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 as a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) is a multilateral treaty adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966, and in force from 23 March 1976, committing its parties to respect the civil and political rights of individuals, including the right to life, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, electoral rights and rights to due process and a fair trial.

The International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) is a multilateral treatyadopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1966, and in force from 3 January 1976, committing its parties to work toward the granting of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR) to the Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories and individuals, including labour rights and the right to health, the right to education, and the right to an adequate standard of living.

RomanEdiberto is a Professor of Law in the Florida International University, College of Law, the author of “Reconstructing Self-Determination: the Role of Critical Theory in the Positivist International Law Paradigm”.

Birtch Anthony (17 February 1924 – 13 December 2014) was a British scholar and an expert in British politics and comparative politics, the author of “Another Liberal Theory of Secession”.He was a leading figure in the development of Britain's distinctive school of political science.

ChandhokeNeera is professor of political science at the University of Delhi, the author of “Contested Secessions: Rights, Self-Determination, Democracy, and Kashmir”.

Buchanan Allen Edward is the James B. Duke Professor of philosophy at Duke University and professor of Philosophy of International Law at King's College, London, the author of “Theories of Secession”.He has written six books covering such topics as Marx, applied ethics, social justice, and international justice, including the foundations of international law.

 

LANGUAGE FOCUS

Task 1. Scan the text again and find all possible word-combinations with thefollowing words:

sovereignty, statehood, secession, integrity

 

Task 9. Make up five sentences of your own in Russian and five sentences in English using word combinations from Tasks 1-3. Work in pairs: in turn read your sentences for your partner to interpret into English/Russian.

Spain - Tom Burridge

Catalonia is probablythe place outside of the UK where Scotland's referendum had, and still has, most resonance. The Catalan president, who is expected to get the green light ____ the regional parliament in Barcelona to hold a similar vote, admitted ____ me last week that he wanted a "Yes" in Scotland to prove that there could be a successful referendum ____ independence in part of a fellow EU country. Catalonia's Foreign Secretary, Roger Albinyana, told me that he was "not at all disappointed". He is keen to point ____ that David Cameron allowed the Scottish vote. Mariano Rajoy will never give his approval ____ a vote here in Catalonia. And for pro-independence Catalans Scotland was a "democratic success", a nation exercising "their right to vote". However, Catalans who ____ want Catalonia to remain part ____ Spain say the situation here is more complicated than, ____ the words of one activist, a "black-and-white, yes-no" decision.

Canada - Lee Carter

The victory for the "No" vote will please many of Canada's editorial writers, most of whom came down ____ on the side of Scotland staying with the union. As the vote got closer, many other stories were ____ shoved ____ by major TV news networks, which had correspondents on the ground in Scotland providing minute-by-minute results. The interest was not surprising.

____ five million Canadians identify themselves as Scottish. And Scots have had a huge impact ____ Canadian culture and history. Many of those who migrated ____ Nova Scotia (New Scotland) did so because they were forced ____ their land. Opinion in some of the communities there tilted ____ the Yes campaign.

The Scottish debate seemed to have much more traction in the French-speaking province of Quebec. Referendums ____ separation from Canada were twice held there (1980 and 1995) and twice rejected, albeit by an ____ narrow margin in 1995.

India - Andrew North

India's foreign minister didn't know Scotland was considering divorce, until an aide whispered in her ear. A more pressing concern for some Indians was what it meant for the price of Scotch. There's also been some schadenfreude in the air, watching their former colonial master prepare to "partition" itself. For many, the idea that the UK was about to give ____ some of its territory ____ - and because the British prime minister himself had allowed a vote - was hard to comprehend.

And if the Scots had voted "Yes", it would have set an uncomfortable precedent in Kashmir. India has never carried ____ its 1948 promise to hold a referendum there, and Kashmiris were quick to make the comparison ____ the Scots getting a vote.

So it's not surprising Foreign Minister SushmaSwaraj's initial reaction ____ the idea the UK could break ____ was "God forbid". It would have just made things too complicated.

China - Martin Patience

China's official reaction ____ the referendum's result was "no comment" because it was an internal matter for the UK. But ____ the run-up ____ the vote, Premier Li Keqiang stressed that he wanted to see a "united" United Kingdom. ____ at least, China's leaders will welcome the "No" vote.

They will have worried that an independent Scotland may have inspired China's own minorities in Tibet and Xinjiang - and given those in Hong Kong and Taiwan new ideas. The narrative of the ruling Communist party is of a strong, unified China rising in the world. Any talk ____ separation or independence is crushed by force here.

With that in mind, many Chinese were astonished that London allowed the referendum to go ____ - never mind that it would allow the UK to split ____. Throughout the campaign, state media ran articles about how "too much democracy" had led to "instability" in the UK. The message ____ Chinese readers was clear: China needs to stick ____ - otherwise it is inviting chaos.

 Germany - Jenny Hill

"Scotland stays British!" proclaims Germany's most popular newspaper. For Bild, like every other paper and TV news programme here, there is only one top story this morning - and ____ the whole only one response. "I'm ____ relieved," said one politician. "It prevents further fragmentation of Europe."

The government agrees - though the official line is less exuberant. "We have always respected the fact that this referendum was called and that the central government in London agreed ____ this. And now we respect the outcome of it as well," said Angela Merkel.

 Italy - David Willey

The final result of Scotland's independence referendum missed the early editions of Italy's morning papers, but Italian shares hit new two-year highs ____ the opening of Milan's stock exchange. The "spread" ____ the price of Italian and German 10-year treasury euro bonds hit a three-year low - signifying increased confidence ____ Italy's financial credibility.

Italy's Northern League separatist party, which dreams of setting ____ a republic called Padania in the Po River Valley, is currently ____ the doldrums after losing ____ at the last elections. Meanwhile a nascent movement ____ the independence of Venice, in times past a powerful European nation-state, is not taken ____ in Rome.

Task 11. Out of two or three italicized words choose the one which fits in the context.  Discuss the legal aspects of secession. Use the following questions to help you:

1) What is the role of referenda?

2) Are referenda necessarily held in the case of secession?

3) Should the admissibility of referenda be mentioned in the national constitution?

4) Why is the referendum in Crimea not recognized by the US and European countries?

 

The core question of whether a part of a country has a right to secede is rooted in the contradiction between the self-determination right of nations and the territo­rial integrity/unity/unification of states. Both of these principles are part of the UN Charter; however, interpretations differ. In practice, the following principles apply in dealing with se­cessionist movements: amicable, peaceful separations are respected as a matter of principle. On the other hand, one-way/unilateral/single declarations of independence without the consent/permission of the remaining state are only considered legitimate/legal in exceptional situations, in particular, in cases where a colonial state/status is ended. Beyond this, though, there is no right to secession. If a majority in one part of a country demands more rights by democratic means, however, the government in question may be regarded as having an liability/obligation to deal with the mat­ter politically.

In Europe after 1989, new states were created in Central and Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia were dissolved. A separation took place in 2006, when Montenegro separated from Serbia and Monte­negro. In this case, the option of a referendum was included/involved in the constitution. When it comes to the admissibility of referenda, the national constitutions are a crucial factor. In Spain, for instance, regional referenda are explicitly ruled out in the constitution. The population/people may only be consulted at the national level.

 

Text 1

Text 2

One Future. One Europe.

SECESSION, RECOGNITION

Референдум в Каталонии

Попытки Каталонии добиться независимости, наткнувшиеся на ожесточенное сопротивление официального Мадрида, держат в напряжении всю Европу. Наряду с историческим наплывом мигрантов и Брекзитом ситуация в Испании — острейший внутренний вызов для Европейского Союза. Победа каталонцев, пусть даже частичная, может запустить маховик сепаратизма в других странах ЕС, вдохновив потенциально бунтарские регионы. «Опасения вокруг референдума в Каталонии связаны с тем, что во многих странах Европы также есть потенциально „взрывоопасные“ регионы. Главное, что беспокоит европейцев - цепная реакция», — отметил в беседе с «Обозревателем» содиректор программ внешней политики и международной безопасности «Центра Разумкова» Михаил Пашков.
Мадрид избрал силовую тактику подавления сепаратистских настроений в Каталонии во многом потому, что это далеко не единственный проблемный регион в стране. Не меньший риск для целостности Испании несет Страна Басков. Это автономное сообщество, включающее в себя три провинции. Как и в Каталонии, здесь высокий уровень жизни и сильные сепаратистские настроения — исторически баски тяготеют к Франции. На фоне недавнего референдума глава правительства Страны Басков ИньигоУркульюРентерия уже заявил, что баски и каталонцы хотят сами определять свое будущее.

Венгры в Трансильвании

В Румынии есть своя зона турбулентности — Трансильвания, которая ранее принадлежала Венгрии, а до этого Австро-Венгрии. Как следствие — на этой территории проживает много этнических венгров, которые имеют самоназвание секеи.
Еще в 2007 году «Союз за возрождение Венгерской Трансильвании» провел референдумы о территориальной автономии в трех трансильванских уездах. В 2009-м съезд представителей местных органов власти Секейского края провозгласил создание автономии. А в следующем году — объявил венгерский язык официальным на региональном уровне.

Румынские власти, разумеется, не признали законность съездов. Позже они даже сообщали о попытках «венгерских» сепаратистов устроить теракты. Во многом из-за Трансильвании Будапешт и Бухарест периодически находятся в состоянии «холодной войны».

https://inosmi.ru/politic/20171003/240418203.html

 

Task 19*. Interpretinto Englishthe abstract of the dissertation of Bridget L. Cogginson Secession, Recognition &The International Politics Of Statehood. Discuss the questions posed in the final part.

Secessionist regimes universally seek other States' formal recognition. Indeed, a ‘critical mass’ of external recognition must be achieved before any secessionist actor is considered a full member of international society. Yet Statesmen often disagree about what distinguishes a legitimate from an illegitimate claim to sovereign independence. The contest among States over the appropriate response to Yugoslavia’s secessionists provides but one recent example. While the motives for seeking other States' recognition are easily understood, the reasons established members of the system choose to recognize some and ignore other recognition-seeking actors are not. There is no obvious pattern to the external recognition of Statehood. Slovenia quickly won a secessionist war against its Yugoslav Home State to gain its independence, but Croatia was in the midst of its war when it was recognized. On the other hand, Somaliland has governed itself over a decade since it successfully broke from Somalia, yet has received no formal recognition from the international community. There is a wide variation in domestic capacity at the point of recognition; many secessionist regimes with de facto independence remain unrecognized while regimes with shaky claims to sovereignty are sometimes embraced as States.

Common wisdom within the IR literature asserts States will act on their own political motives rather than normative standards of capacity when questions of sovereignty arise. Such interest-based explanations raise more questions than they answer.

- Which self-interests guide States' recognition decisions?

- What happens when domestic motives conflict with geostrategic imperatives?

- Do all States confer recognition based upon similar criteria or do different States use different criteria?

-  What, if any, influence do international norms have upon States’ decisions?

- Generally, what accounts for the variance between the few actors that are formally recognized and deemed sovereign independent States and the many that receive little or no formal recognition and are not allowed equivalent participation in the interstate system?

https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1154013298&disposition=inline

 

Task 20. Listen toa representative of The European Free Alliance (EFA) speaking on the right to self-determination (track 8-4) and fill in the gaps in the following text.

The concept and implementation of the ___________________ is well-known in the history of Europe and the world. The citizens of __________________ have often used this right to democratically ___________________ and to take responsibility for their own future. This is self-determination. Exercising this right can lead to many ___________________: all Democratic options from _____________________ to full political independence and _______________________. Essentially self-determination means that people have the right to determine their own future, the right to define and choose their own __________________, the form of the Constitution or government, and the form of economic cultural and social development. The right to self-determination is one of the ______________________ recognized as a right which belongs to peoples, not to states or governments. The Article 1 paragraph 1 of the Charter of the United Nations, the ____________________ on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural rights state that all peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and _____________________ that economic, social and cultural development. This means enjoyment of ______________________, be they civil, political, economic, social or cultural, can only be reached if the right to self-determination is _________________. Self-determination is an absolutedemocratic right which completes andguarantees the ____________________ of human rights. The importance lies in the right to choose the right to decide. The European Free Alliance stands forHuman Rights: the right to decide upon your own future. The universal right toself-determination, stronger regions andstateless nations in Europe. ________________________.

European Free Alliance stands for another Europe and you?

SPEECH FOCUS

Task 7. In the previous unit you havemastered the basics of good negotiation techniques. Study five lesser-known but similarly effective negotiation techniques (presented by Harvard Law School) that can benefit all professional negotiators. Make a short summary of each.

1. Reframe anxiety as excitement. The preparation stage of negotiation often comes with unpleasant side effects, such as sweaty palms, a racing heart, and seemingly overwhelming anxiety. It’s common even for professional negotiators to feel nervous, but this state of mind can lead us to make costly decisions, according to Harvard Business School professor Alison Wood Brooks. We tend to believe the best negotiation techniques to deal with our anxiety is to calm down, but that can be easier said than done. Try reframing the state of high physiological arousal associated with anxiety as excitement, recommends Brooks. This subtle reframing tactic, which treats your arousal as a plus rather than a minus, actually increases authentic feelings of excitement—and improves subsequent performance in negotiation, Brooks has found in her research.

2. Anchor the discussion with a draft agreement. Due to a widespread decision-making heuristic known as the anchoring bias, first documented by psychologists Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman, the person who makes the first offer in a negotiation is likely to sway the discussion in his or her favor. First offers tend to serve as powerful anchors, even for experienced professional negotiators. To make an even bigger impact, you might try opening substantive negotiations with a draft agreement, or standard-form contract, prepared with your legal counsel and any relevant decision makers from your team. Though such drafts aren’t always appropriate, they can increase your influence over the negotiation, according to Tufts University professor JeswaldSalacuse. A standard-form contract not only uses the anchoring bias to your advantage but could save both sides time and money, making this one of the negotiation techniques that could really be worth trying.

3. Draw on the power of silence. In negotiation, as in any discussion, we tend to rush in to fill any uncomfortable silences that arise with persuasion techniques and counter-arguments. That can be a mistake, according to Harvard Business School and Harvard Law School professor Guhan Subramanian. After your counterpart speaks, allowing a few moments of silence to settle can give you time to fully absorb what he just said. “Silence give you the ability to dampen your instincts for self-advocacy and amplify your instinct to listen,” according to Subramanian. Silence can also help you defuse your own tendency toward the anchoring bias. If a counterpart drops an outrageous anchor, “your stunned silence will far more effectively defuse the anchor than heaps of protesting would,” says Subramanian.

4. Ask for advice. Professional negotiators often assume that asking the other party for advice will convey weakness, inexperience, or both. But in fact, in one recent study, participants rated partners who asked them for advice to be more competent than partners who didn’t ask for advice, Brooks, Wharton School professor Maurice Schweitzer, and Harvard Business School professor Francesca Gino found. When we ask for advice, we flatter the adviser and boost her self-confidence, the researchers discovered. So, consider taking opportunities to ask your counterpart for advice when you truly need it. Not only are you likely to benefit from the advice, but you may strengthen the relationship in the process.

5. Put a fair offer to the test with final-offer arbitration. When negotiating to end a dispute under the shadow of a lawsuit, you might find yourself frustrated by a counterpart’s seeming inability to make or entertain reasonable, good-faith offers. How can you come to a settlement that’s fair to both sides in such an adversarial negotiation? One promising but underused tool is final-offer arbitration (FOA), also known as baseball arbitration, according to Harvard Business School professor Max H. Bazerman. In FOA, each party submits its best and final offer to an arbitrator, who must select either of the two offers and not any other value. Parties may not appeal the arbitrator’s decision. When parties agree to use FOA, their offers typically become reasonable, as they now have an incentive to impress the arbitrator with their reasonableness. In Major League Baseball, where FOA is available, uncertainty about what an arbitrator might decide usually motivates players and teams to come to agreement in contract disputes. The next time you are in a dispute with someone you believe is being unreasonable, consider suggesting FOA, recommends Bazerman. If she has been bluffing, she likely will respond to your suggestion with a much more reasonable offer. If she takes you up on your offer, you should have confidence in your ability to impress the arbitrator with your reasonableness.

https://www.pon.harvard.edu/daily/negotiation-skills-daily/5-good-negotiation-techniques/

 

CASE FOCUS

Task 1. Role play. Read information below and get ready to negotiate the issues of development, security and freedom of movement in Kaliningrad region. Use techniques from Task 6 of Speech Focus. In three teams (EU, Russia, Lithuania) prepare for the negotiation. To this end each team should fill in the following table:

Our interests (what we want to achieve)	The interests of the opponents (what worries our opponents, what they want to achieve)	Options (possible variants of agreement)	Legitimacy (what data, legal documents, precedents can be used as our arguments)

Task 2.

Part 1. Read brief information on “ Scottish Independence Referendum”.

 

Part 2. Role play. SUPPOSE THAT THE RESULTS WERE DIFFERENT: THE MAJORITY VOTED FOR “YES” AND THE INDEPENDENCE SIDE WON. In that case it would be necessary to hold negotiations between iScotland and rUK to resolve a number of issues.

The group is split up into two teams: “iScotland” (the leader - Alex Salmond, Scotland's first minister since 2007 and leader of the Scottish National party. Widely regarded as one of the UK's sharpest politicians, he has led his party from being a minor force to dominating Scottish politics) and “rUK (the leader – the tory prime minister David Cameron).

The teams first choose three issues to be included in the negotiation agenda out of nine enumerated below, collect additional information and negotiatethe nature of Scotland’s relations with the remaining part of the United Kingdom (rUK) – its much larger southerly neighbour, its main economic and trading partner, with which the Scottish Government aspires to share a currency, ‘social union’ and much more. The question is: can that vision actually be delivered? Even if that model is in the interests of an independent Scotland, why is it in the interests of rUK, if Scotland chooses a future outside it? If it is not, why should rUK comply with independent Scottish wishes – why is it in rUK’s interests to do so? And, given the differences in interest in securing that outcome, how might an independent Scotland make it happen?

For an independent Scotland to start functioning as an independent state, some key top-order issues have to be resolved. Prominent among these are:

• the currency the new state will use, and who bears the risks associated with that
• the borders of the new state – particularly its maritime borders, which will affect oil and gas reserves unless a distinct arrangement is made for these.
• the arrangements for movement of persons between rUK and the new state, both at the border and more generally
• whether, when and on what terms the new state will be or become a member of the European Union
• the division of the UK’s current National Debt
• the division of other UK assets and liabilities – ranging from defence infrastructure to museum and gallery collections
• what happens to the existing UK nuclear bases on the Clyde
• if rUK is to continue to administer welfare and pensions payments in Scotland for some transitional period, the basis on which it will do so
• the means by which outstanding issues are resolved, and what happens if the parties cannot reach agreement by negotiation.

PROJECT FOCUS

Task 1. Using statistics below and current mass media materials make a comparative analysis of any two separatist movements. Write a research report (550-600 words)following the proposed plan:

1. Introduction

2. Main Body:

- Similarities in separatist sentiments/movements in ….and …..

- Differences in separatist sentiments/movements in ….and …..

3. Conclusion

April 16, 2014

Here is a quick rundown on some of Europe separatist movements:

United Kingdom

Scotland

Population of proposed region vs population of country as a whole: 5.3 million vs 63.7m

Year independence movement began: The Scots National League, inspired by Ireland’s Sinn Fein, campaigned from 1921, 214 years after the Treaty of Union ended nearly nine centuries of separate statehood.

Support for referendum: A poll for The Scotsman newspaper in March found 41 per cent in favour of independence, 46 per cent against, although the “Yes” support was the largest recorded in the run-up to September’s referendum.

Land mass of proposed region: 78,772 square kilometers

Regional GDP vs country as whole: $24 billion vs $2.38 trillion

Main separatist group: Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP)

Militancy: No recent history of violence. The SNP, evolved from the Scots National League, chose a constitutional path, securing representation in the UK parliament from 1967 and arguing that Scotland should have rights to North Sea oil revenues. First devolved parliament, controlling most domestic issues, elected in 1999.

Northern Ireland

Population of proposed region vs population of country as a whole: 1.84m vs 6.4m (whole of Ireland)

Year independence movement began: 1921, from the creation of Northern Ireland with the partition of the island.

Support for referendum: Sinn Fein which wants a fully independent all-Ireland state, is the second biggest party in Northern Ireland, where it shares power with politicians wishing to remain within the UK, and fourth biggest in the Irish Republic. A 2012 opinion poll found 18 per cent in Northern Ireland favoured an independent united Ireland. Support is greater in the Irish Republic (57 per cent in a 2010 poll)

Land mass of region: 13,843 sq km

Regional GDP vs country as whole:?37.33bn vs $2.38 trillion (UK) / $226.84bn (Irish Republic)

Main separatist group: Real IRA and 32 County Sovereignty Movement, offshoots of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA)

Militancy: Irish nationalists have fought for freedom from British rule for centuries. They reject the island’s 1921 partition. Despite the peace process that ended the most recent 30-year period of conflict in the 1990s, dissident republicans continue, on a small scale, to use violence in pursuit of their aims.

Spain

Catalonia

Population of proposed region vs population of country as a whole: 7.56m vs 46.7m

Year independence movement began: First stirrings date from the 17th century but political parties began campaigning for independence in the early 20th century.

Support for referendum: Catalonia’s devolved parliament plans referendum on the issue in 2014, in defiance of Spanish government objections

Land mass of proposed region: 32,114 sq km

Regional GDP vs country as whole: $255bn vs $1.39 trillion

Main separatist group: The Republican Left of Catalonia and the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) openly campaign for independence but the ruling Convergence and Union (CIU) coalition is seen as moderate nationalist.

Militancy: No recent record of violent struggle. All the main political groups support a referendum. Despite Catalonia’s status as an autonomous community, The Spanish constitutional court has ruled that its designation as a “nation” is a historical term without legal weight.

Basque

Population of proposed region vs population of country as a whole: 2.16m vs 46.7m

Year independence movement began: First assassinations in 1968, nine years after creation of Eta.

Support for referendum: The separatist party EuskalHerriaBildu won a quarter of the vote in 2012 elections, while the biggest proportion of votes — one third - went to the Basque Nationalist Party, which seeks an undefined form of independence

Land mass of proposed region: 7,234 sq km

Regional GDP vs country as whole: $91.49bn vs $1.39 trillion

Main separatist group: Eta

Militancy: Eta has been blamed for 829 killings from 1968 to 2011. Several hundred activists are held in jail, mainly in Spain and France.

 

Turkey

Kurdistan

Population of proposed region vs population of country as a whole: At least 14m (much higher according to Kurdish nationalists) vs 81.62m

Year independence movement began: Demands for a Kurdish state date from late 19th century; armed insurrection began 1984.

Support for referendum: 59 per cent of self-identified Turkish Kurds said in a 2009 poll they did not think Kurds wanted independence.

Land mass of proposed region: 190,000 sq km

Regional GDP vs country as whole: N/A

Main separatist group: Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

Militancy: Armed struggle ran from 1984 to 2013 with the aim of creating a breakaway Marxist — Leninist state. Casualty figures vary widely but could be as high as 45,000 deaths (rebels, Turkish military and civilians combined). The jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan, now advocates a political solution.

based on: http://www.thenational.ae/world/europe/the-facts-european-separatist-movements

Task 2. In her article NeliFonseka distinguishes six regional types of separatism. In a group of two or three choose any region and provide substantial information on its general and specific features of separatism. Make a presentation on the findings of your research.

region	characteristics
1. Западноевропейская разновидность сепаратизма (Северная Ирландия, Страна Басков, Каталония, Корсика, Фландрия и Валлония, Фарерские острова, Северный Кипр)	характеризуется преобладанием этно-конфессионального и социально-экономического факторов. Очаги сепаратизма в Западной Европе уже давно пребывают в состоянии устойчивого равновесия. Здесь преобладает высокая общественная мобилизация населения, не выплескивающаяся, впрочем (за исключением Ольстера, Корсики и Страны Басков), за пределы «цивилизованной» политической борьбы. Как правило, целью западноевропейских сепаратистов является не создание независимого государства, а достижение максимальной национально-культурной, экономической и политической автономии в рамках существующих ныне государственных границ
2. Восточноевропейская разновидность сепаратизма (Чечня, Дагестан, Приднестровье, Гагаузия, Крым, Косово, Македония, Республика Сербская в Боснии, Трансильвания)	охватывает бывшие социалистические страны Восточной и Центральной Европы и включает Россию и другие новые государства, образовавшиеся на территории бывшего СССР (кроме четырех мусульманских республик Средней Азии). Эта разновидность отличается от западноевропейской недавней актуализацией основных очагов сепаратизма (конец 80-х гг.) и стремлением сепаратистских движений к полной независимости, а не к автономии. В мире существует целый ряд непризнанных государств, имеющих, тем не менее, все атрибуты государственности: Чечня (до 1999 г.), Абхазия, Приднестровская Молдавская Республика, Республика Сербская в Боснии. Эти территориально-политические образования, имея регулярные вооруженные формирования, уверенно контролируют свою территорию, здесь действуют самопровозглашенные конституции, существуют органы исполнительной и судебной власти, проводятся парламентские выборы. Следует заметить, что конфликты в Восточной Европе подвержены вмешательству со стороны других государств и международных организаций (ООН, НАТО, Евросоюз, Россия). Это объясняется относительной близостью очагов конфликтов к данным государствам и угрозой их безопасности.
3. Ближневосточная (исламская) разновидность (Курдистан, Горный Бадахшан в Таджикистане, пакистанская провинция Белуджистан, Южный Йемен, область Читтагонг в Бангладеш, очаги сепаратизма на севере Афганистана и на юге Алжира)	господствует в исламских странах Ближнего и Среднего Востока, Северной Африки, Средней и Южной Азии. Для этого типа сепаратизма характерна принадлежность любых противостоящих сторон к одному религиозно-культурному фундаменту – исламу. При этом решающее значение имеет фактор этнического самосознания меньшинств, подавляемых в национальных государствах своих единоверцев. На территории исламской цивилизации, несмотря на целый ряд серьезных богословских разногласий, например, между приверженцами шиизма и суннизма, господствуют единые традиционно-культурные установки, сильна роль религии и религиозного права – шариата. Здесь нет такого разнообразия этносов, как в тропической Африке или Индостане. Тем не менее «температура» очагов сепаратизма исламской региональной разновидности очень высока.
4. Азиатская разновидность. Примеры: индийские штаты Джамму и Кашмир, Пенджаб, Наголенд, Ассам, северная Шри-Ланка, области Карен и Шах в Мьянме (Бирма), южные Филиппины, Восточный Тимор и Ирман-Джая (западная часть Новой Гвинеи) в Индонезии, Тибет и Синьцзян (Уйгуристан) в Китае.	Распространение этой разновидности сепаратизма ограничено Восточной, Юго-Восточной, Южной Азией. Конфликты имеют корни в доколониальных временах, но возродились после получения странами государственной независимости. Во многих конфликтах азиатской географической разновидности сильна роль конфессионального самосознания. Перед многими государствами региона стоят международные экономические проблемы. В странах с невысокими душевыми доходами (Индия, Шри-Ланка, Мьянма) риск сепаратизма для национальных окраин максимален. Очаги конфликтов этой разновидности отличаются большим количеством жертв, в том числе и среди мирного населения.
5. Африканская разновидность. Примеры: Южный Судан, провинция Кабинда в Анголе, Северное Сомали, Коморские острова, провинцияКвазу-Наталь в ЮАР, Руанда и Бурунди.	Во многом этой разновидности соответствует все то, что было сказано в отношении азиатской. Отличия в несколько более позднем достижении странами региона государственной независимости и соответственно в более поздней актуализации очагов конфликтов, произошедшей, как правило, после ухода с континента колониальных держав. Кроме того, в Африке отмечается меньшая, чем в Азии, организованность сепаратистских движений, сказывающаяся на их активности. Этот факт объясняется тем, что большинство африканских этносов до сих пор находятся на племенной стадии развития. Искрой, способной взорвать порох неурегулированных противоречий африканского континента, становится крайне пестрый этнический состав большинства государств. Колониальная структура Африки создавалась в свое время без учета этнических, экономических и культурных связей ее районов. Границы также носят случайный характер, иногда они даже проведены по линейке. В нынешний период, когда во всем мире происходит всплеск национального самосознания, Африка не остается в стороне. Все чаще выдвигаются требования пересмотра несправедливых границ, разделивших на части единые и родственные этносы.
6. Американская разновидность. Примеры: канадская провинция Квебек, мексиканский штат Чьяпас, самоуправляющаяся территория Дании Гренландия, остров Невис в составе Федерации Сен-Китс и Невис.	Прежде сепаратистские настроения на континенте имели большее распространение. Именно они привели к распаду Великой Колумбии (1830 г.) и Соединенных провинций Центральной Америки (1838–1839 гг.), выделению Уругвая из состава Аргентины (1828 г.) и Панамы из Колумбии (1903 г.). Во-первых, это переселенческий характер государств Нового Света, практически исключающий глубокие и непреодолимые противоречия между этническими и конфессиональными группами эмигрантов.

http:// www. vestnik. vsu. ru / pdf / history /2012/01/2012-01-37. pdf

UNIT 8. SEPARATISM

LEAD-IN

Task 1.

Make a mind map outlining general and specific features driving groups of people to get more autonomy or separate from a country.